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		<title>Allegations of Ukrainian Nuclear Rearmament</title>
		<link>https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/allegations-of-ukrainian-nuclear-rearmament/?utm_source=rss&#038;utm_medium=rss&#038;utm_campaign=allegations-of-ukrainian-nuclear-rearmament</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Erik]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 08 Feb 2025 00:12:00 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Education Tools]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Radiological and Nuclear Weapons]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Technical Memos]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>UNDERSTANDING DISINFORMATION IN UKRAINE ALLEGATIONS OF UKRAINIAN NUCLEAR REARMAMENT Disinformation narrative: Russia deliberately promotes existing misinformation about Ukraine’s potential nuclear [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/allegations-of-ukrainian-nuclear-rearmament/">Allegations of Ukrainian Nuclear Rearmament</a> appeared first on <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com">Countering WMD Disinformation</a>.</p>
]]></description>
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					<h1 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">UNDERSTANDING DISINFORMATION IN UKRAINE</h1>				</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">ALLEGATIONS OF UKRAINIAN NUCLEAR REARMAMENT</h2>				</div>
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									<p class="p2"><b>Disinformation narrative: </b>Russia deliberately promotes existing misinformation about Ukraine’s potential nuclear rearmament, creating a disinformation narrative that seeks to justify its invasion and deflect attention from its own suspension of non-proliferation initiatives. Ukraine’s contradictory statements inadvertently amplify this disinformation.</p><p> </p><p class="p2"><b>Implications: </b>This targeted disinformation aims to damage Ukraine&#8217;s credibility within the international community and erode Western military support.</p><p> </p><p class="p2"><b>Recommendations: </b>Ukraine should prioritise consistent and unambiguous messaging around its commitment to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (NPT); Western media and policymakers should ensure quality reporting to prevent the spread of misinformation; and governmental agencies, non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and international bodies should proactively debunk false narratives to expose Russia’s tactics and reaffirm global commitments to non-proliferation.</p>								</div>
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									<p class="p2"><strong>KEY POINTS</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p class="p2"><b>BACKGROUND</b></p>								</div>
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									<p class="p2">Discussions about Ukraine’s nuclear disarmament can be traced back to 1991, when it inherited roughly 4,000 strategic and tactical nuclear weapons that were stationed on its territory.<span class="s2">1 </span>Unlike Kazakhstan and Belarus, which also acquired nuclear weapons during the Soviet Union’s collapse but agreed to give them up quickly, Ukraine underwent significant internal debate about whether to retain its stockpile.</p><p> </p><p class="p2">Kyiv’s eventual decision to relinquish its nuclear weapons was influenced by international political pressure, Moscow&#8217;s operational control over the weapons and economic and safety issues.<span class="s2">2 </span>Importantly, the 1994 <i>Budapest Memorandum </i>affirmed that Russia, the UK, the US<span class="s2">3 </span>would “refrain from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of Ukraine&#8221;.<span class="s2">4 </span>In exchange, Kyiv agreed to transfer its nuclear arsenal to Moscow and join the NPT.<span class="s2">5 </span>Initially praised for preventing nuclear proliferation, the <i>Memorandum </i>later became a source of grievance after Russia repeatedly violated Ukraine’s sovereignty<span class="s2">6 </span><i>(see timeline). </i></p>								</div>
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									<p class="p2"><strong>RUSSIAN DISINFORMATION</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p>Moscow generates disinformation by deliberately amplifying existing misinformation about Ukraine’s indigenous technical capabilities and the amount of time needed to develop a viable nuclear deterrent. This fusion of factual elements with falsehoods makes these information operations especially difficult to counter and refute.<sup>7</sup> Moscow’s disinformation campaign highly likely serves several purposes:</p><p> </p><ul><li><strong>Justification for military aggression:</strong> Russia rationalises its invasion by undermining Kyiv’s reputation as a responsible international.<sup>8 9</sup></li><li><strong>Fearmongering:</strong> By conflating the unrelated “dirty bomb” <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/dirty-bombs-and-nuclear-escalation-threats/">(see previous report)</a> and nuclear weapons development narratives, Russia amplifies public fears that supporting Ukraine could lead to nuclear escalation.<sup>10 11</sup></li><li><strong>Distraction from own nuclear activity:</strong><sup>12</sup> The nuclear rearmament narrative diverts attention from Russia’s suspension of non-proliferation efforts and its nuclear threats against the West.</li></ul>								</div>
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									<p class="p1"><strong>UKRAINIAN INTENT</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p>Despite fuelling Russia’s disinformation narratives, Kyiv’s contradictory<sup>13 14 </sup>statements about nuclear rearmament <em>(see timeline) </em>might aim to achieve any combination of the following objectives:</p><p> </p><ul><li><strong>Influence Western support:</strong> Remind allies that withdrawing or reducing military assistance could destabilise nuclear non-proliferation efforts.</li><li><strong>Undermine disinformation narratives:</strong> Shift the spotlight onto the failures of the <em>Budapest Memorandum</em> and highlight Russia’s responsibility for destabilising non-proliferation norms.</li><li><strong>Signal genuine intent:</strong> Prepare the information space for a future official policy shift from NPT adherence to nuclear rearmament.</li></ul>								</div>
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									<p class="p1"><strong>FUTURE OUTLOOK</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p>Calls for a ceasefire between Russia and Ukraine are growing.<sup>15 16</sup> If Kyiv is unable to secure NATO membership or receive bilateral security guarantees from the US as part of a future peace settlement, Ukraine could consider developing nuclear weapons as a deterrent against further Russian aggression.</p><p> </p><p>While Ukraine may explore rearmament, successfully rebuilding its nuclear capabilities is highly unlikely due to significant technical and political challenges. Developing a nuclear deterrent would likely take multiple years and require currently absent indigenous capabilities.<sup>17</sup> Any covert efforts would almost certainly be exposed, undermining diplomatic support from key allies. Disinformation around the threats posed by nuclear rearmament could also be exploited as pretext for renewed military action.</p><p> </p><p>Additionally, aggression against Ukraine has inadvertently highlighted the dangers of nuclear disarmament. Moscow’s actions may embolden nations such as Iran and North Korea to further pursue nuclear deterrence while avoiding denuclearisation talks, damaging non-proliferation efforts.<sup>18 </sup></p>								</div>
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									<p class="p1"><strong>CONCLUSION</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p>To counter targeted disinformation narratives:</p><p> </p><ul><li><strong>Ukrainian officials:</strong> should prioritise consistent and unambiguous messaging around Kyiv’s commitment to the NPT to avoid undermining international confidence in non-proliferation frameworks.</li><li><strong>Western media and policymakers:</strong> should deepen their understanding of the technical and legal barriers to Ukraine restoring its nuclear weapon status – to prevent inadvertently spreading disinformation.</li><li><strong>Governments, NGOs and international bodies:</strong> should take a more proactive and responsive role in debunking these narratives.</li></ul><p>By exposing disinformation tactics and reinforcing Ukraine’s non-nuclear status, the international community can discredit these narratives while reaffirming global norms against nuclear proliferation.</p>								</div>
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									<p class="p1"><strong>TIMELINE</strong></p>								</div>
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      <h3>1994</h3>
      <p>Ukraine signs the <em>Budapest Memorandum</em>, giving up its nuclear weapons in exchange for security assurances. It also joins the NPT as a non-nuclear weapons state.</p>
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      <h3>2014</h3>
      <p>Russia annexes Crimea and supports pro-Russian separatists in the Donbas.</p>
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      <p>Some Ukrainian politicians begin advocating for nuclear rearmament, although this doesn’t become state policy.</p>
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      <h3>February 2022</h3>
      <p>President Zelenskyy warns adherence to the <em>Budapest Memorandum</em> is in doubt unless the West assures Ukraine’s security.</p>
      <br>
      <p>President Putin cites Ukraine’s nuclear rhetoric as a justification for Russia’s full-scale invasion.</p>
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      <h3>March 2022</h3>
      <p>Foreign Minister Lavrov declares Russia will take all necessary measures to prevent Ukraine from regaining nuclear weapons.</p>
      <br>
      <p>Russia’s disinformation shifts focus from nuclear rearmament to the “dirty bomb” narrative.</p>
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      <h3>June 2024</h3>
      <p>In its annual safeguard report, the IAEA again finds no indication that Ukraine is weaponising its nuclear material for non-peaceful activities.<sup>19</sup></p>
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      <h3>October 2024</h3>
      <p>President Zelenskyy states that Ukraine will either join NATO or obtain nuclear weapons.</p>
      <br>
      <p>Ukraine’s Foreign Ministry reaffirms that Kyiv remains committed to the NPT.</p>
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      <h3>November 2024</h3>
      <p>Changes in US leadership raise concerns about possible reductions in military aid to Ukraine.</p>
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      <p>Rearmament concerns are amplified by poor analysis and inaccurate mainstream media reporting which misrepresents officials’ positions and downplays the complexities of nuclear weapon development.<sup>20 21</sup></p>
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      <p>President Putin amplifies this media reporting, reiterating that Russia will not allow Ukraine to develop nuclear weapons.</p>
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									<p><strong>January 2025</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p class="p1"><strong>REFERENCES</strong></p>								</div>
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									<ol class="ol1"><li>‘Nuclear Disarmament Ukraine’, The Nuclear Threat Initiative (blog), 29 October 2024, https://www.nti.org/analysis/articles/ukraine-nuclear-disarmament/.</li><li>Barry R. Schneider, William L. Dowdy, ‘Why Ukraine gave up nuclear weapons: nonproliferation incentives and disincentives’, Pulling Back from the Nuclear Brink: Reducing and Countering Nuclear Threats (journal), 1998.</li><li>Alexander Pikayev, ‘POST-SOVIET RUSSIA AND UKRAINE: WHO CAN PUSH THE BUTTON?’, The Nonproliferation Review, Spring/Summer 1994, https://web.archive.org/web/20140808054400/http://cns.miis.edu/npr/pdfs/pikaye13.pdf.</li><li>Budapest Memorandums on Security Assurances, 1994 &#8211; Council on Foreign Relations’, Council on Foreign Relations, 5 December 1994, https://web.archive.org/web/20170312052208/http://www.cfr.org/nonproliferation-arms-control-and-disarmament/budapest-memorandums-security-assurances-1994/p32484.</li><li>‘Nuclear Disarmament Ukraine’.</li><li>Budjeryn, Mariana. ‘“NATO or Nukes”: Why Ukraine’s Nuclear Revival Refuses to Die’. Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists (blog), 1 November 2024. https://thebulletin.org/2024/11/nato-or-nukes-why-ukraines-nuclear-revival-refuses-to-die/.</li><li>ГЛАВКОМ. ‘Володимир Огризко: Україні слід ставити питання про вихід з договору про нерозповсюдження ядерної зброї’, 5 March https://glavcom.ua/publications/124109-volodimir-ogrizko-ukrajini-slid-staviti-pitannja-pro-vihid-z-dogovoru-pro-nerozpovsjudzhennja-jadernoji-zbroji.html.</li><li>‘Vladimir Putin &#8211; Speech on the Donbass and the Situation in Ukraine (Transcript-Video)’, accessed 10 December 2024, https://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/vladimirputindonbassandukraine.htm.</li><li>Sergey Lavrov, ‘Statement by Sergey Lavrov at the Conference on Disarmament, Geneva.’, The Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, 3 January 2022, https://www.mid.ru/en/foreign_policy/news/1802148/.</li><li>‘Disinfo: Kyiv Passed from Rejecting Nuclear Weapons to Preparing a Dirty Bomb’, EUvsDisinfo, accessed 29 November 2024, https://euvsdisinfo.eu/report/kyiv-passed-from-rejecting-nuclear-weapons-to-preparing-a-dirty-bomb/.</li><li>‘Russia, without Evidence, Says Ukraine Making Nuclear “Dirty Bomb”’, Reuters, 6 March 2022, sec. Europe, https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/russia-without-evidence-says-ukraine-making-nuclear-dirty-bomb-2022-03-06/.</li><li>GP Countering WMD Disinformation. ‘Disinfornation Tactic Spotlight: Distraction and Misdirection’. Accessed 24 January 2025. https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/distraction-and-misdirection/.</li><li>Budjeryn, ‘NATO or Nukes’.</li><li>Tucker, Maxim. ‘Could Zelensky Use Nuclear Bombs? Ukraine’s Options Explained’, 14 November 2024. https://www.thetimes.com/world/russia-ukraine-war/article/zelensky-nuclear-weapons-bomb-0ddjrs5hw.</li><li>Michael McFaul, ‘How Trump Can End the War in Ukraine: Convince Kyiv to Trade Land for NATO Membership’, 12 December 2024, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/ukraine/how-trump-can-end-war-ukraine.</li><li>Edward Helmore, ‘Trump’s Ukraine Envoy Pick Proposed Forcing Peace Talks by Withdrawing US Weapons’, <em>The Guardian</em>, 28 November 2024, sec. US news, https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2024/nov/28/trump-keith-kellogg-russia-ukraine.</li><li>The G7 Global Partnership Countering WMD Disinformation Initiative. ‘Letter to the Editor: Addressing Misleading Claims on Ukraine’s Nuclear Capabilities.’ November 2024.</li><li>William J. Broad, ‘Ukraine Gave Up a Giant Nuclear Arsenal 30 Years Ago. Today There Are Regrets.’, The New York Times, 5 February 2022, sec. Science, <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/02/05/science/ukraine-nuclear-weapons.html">https://www.nytimes.com/2022/02/05/science/ukraine-nuclear-weapons.html</a>.</li><li>IAEA, Safeguards Implementation Report 2023”, 07 June 2024, https://www.iaea.org/sites/default/files/24/06/20240607_sir_2024_part_ab.pdf</li><li>Helene Cooper et al., ‘Trump’s Vow to End the War Could Leave Ukraine With Few Options’, The New York Times, 21 November 2024, sec. U.S., https://www.nytimes.com/2024/11/21/us/politics/trump-russia-ukraine-war.html.</li><li>Tucker, ‘Could Zelensky Use Nuclear Bombs? Ukraine’s Options Explained’.</li></ol>								</div>
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		<p>The post <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/allegations-of-ukrainian-nuclear-rearmament/">Allegations of Ukrainian Nuclear Rearmament</a> appeared first on <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com">Countering WMD Disinformation</a>.</p>
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		<title>Selected Examples of CW Allegations and Related Disinformation Campaigns from the Russian Federation</title>
		<link>https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/chemical-weapons-disinformation-primer/selected-examples-of-cw-allegations-and-related-disinformation-campaigns-from-the-russian-federation/?utm_source=rss&#038;utm_medium=rss&#038;utm_campaign=selected-examples-of-cw-allegations-and-related-disinformation-campaigns-from-the-russian-federation</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Erik]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 24 Nov 2024 14:19:48 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Chemical Weapons]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Education Tools]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Chemical Weapons in Ukraine]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Technical Memos]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/?page_id=3729</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>Chemical Weapons Disinformation in Ukraine Brief 1 UNDERSTANDING RUSSIA’S CHEMICAL WEAPONS ALLEGATIONS IN UKRAINE Brief 2 SELECTED EXAMPLES OF CW [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/chemical-weapons-disinformation-primer/selected-examples-of-cw-allegations-and-related-disinformation-campaigns-from-the-russian-federation/">Selected Examples of CW Allegations and Related Disinformation Campaigns from the Russian Federation</a> appeared first on <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com">Countering WMD Disinformation</a>.</p>
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					<h1 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Chemical Weapons Disinformation in Ukraine</h1>				</div>
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									<p><a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/chemical-weapons-disinformation-primer/understanding-russias-chemical-weapons-allegations-in-ukraine/">UNDERSTANDING RUSSIA’S CHEMICAL WEAPONS ALLEGATIONS IN UKRAINE</a></p>								</div>
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									<p><a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/chemical-weapons-disinformation-primer/selected-examples-of-cw-allegations-and-related-disinformation-campaigns-from-the-russian-federation/">SELECTED EXAMPLES OF CW ALLEGATIONS AND RELATED DISINFORMATION CAMPAIGNS FROM THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION</a></p>								</div>
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									<span class="elementor-button-text">Brief 3</span>
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									<p><a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/chemical-weapons-disinformation-primer/strategy-and-impacts-of-cw-disinformation/">STRATEGY AND IMPACTS OF CW DISINFORMATION</a></p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">SELECTED EXAMPLES OF CW ALLEGATIONS AND RELATED DISINFORMATION CAMPAIGNS FROM THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION</h2>				</div>
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									<p>BRIEF 2/3 | NOVEMBER 2024</p>								</div>
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									<p>This briefing aims to showcase a selection of specific examples of the allegations made by Russian authorities concerning the use of chemical weapons by Ukrainian forces. By analysing these cases, we can better understand the nature, consistency, and strategic patterns of the claims, which reveal key insights into Russia&#8217;s broader disinformation campaign. These examples demonstrate how unsubstantiated allegations, often lacking credible evidence, fit into a larger strategy of influencing global narratives, discrediting opponents, undermining trust in international institutions and distracting from Russia’s own alleged use of chemical weapons.</p>								</div>
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									<strong>EXAMPLE 1: AMMONIUM NITRATE EXPLOSION (MAZANIVKA, MAY 2020)</strong>								</div>
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									<p>In May 2022, Russia claimed that the Ukrainian Security Services were behind an explosion in Mazanivka (in the Donetsk Oblast in Ukraine) involving ammonium nitrate, creating a toxic cloud aimed at Kramatorsk. Russian authorities suggested that this explosion was a deliberate provocation, designed to falsely accuse Russia of using chemical weapons. The claim described the incident as a potential false flag operation, orchestrated to manipulate international opinion to justify further military action in Ukraine.</p><p> </p><p>Despite the gravity of the allegation, no evidence was provided to support the claim. This reflects a common pattern in Russia’s allegations, whereby accusations are made without evidence. The lack of substantiation suggests that the primary goal of these allegations was not to inform, but rather to create confusion and deflect the attention of the international community away from their own actions. This type of unfounded accusation aligns with their broader disinformation strategy, which aims to create ambiguity around accountability and make independent verification more difficult for international observers in the event of actual contraventions of WMD laws and norms.</p>								</div>
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									<p><strong>EXAMPLE 2: UAV-DELIVERED CHEMICAL MUNITIONS (VELYKA NOVOSILKA, FEBRUARY 2023)</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p>In February 2023, Russian media reported that Ukrainian forces had deployed chemical munitions via unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) near Velyka Novosilka. According to Russian sources, these munitions allegedly caused chemical burns amongst Russian troops. The claim accompanied by video and photo images, which was touted as proof of the chemical attack.</p>								</div>
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										<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="1024" height="325" src="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Available-evidence-e1732458788751-1024x325.webp" class="attachment-large size-large wp-image-3731" alt="" srcset="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Available-evidence-e1732458788751-1024x325.webp 1024w, https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Available-evidence-e1732458788751-300x95.webp 300w, https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Available-evidence-e1732458788751-768x244.webp 768w, https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Available-evidence-e1732458788751-1536x488.webp 1536w, https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Available-evidence-e1732458788751.webp 1920w" sizes="(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px" />											<figcaption class="widget-image-caption wp-caption-text">Figure 1: Available evidence provided for the alleged chemical attack against Russian personnel near Urozhaine and Velyka Novosilka in Feburary 2023.</figcaption>
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									<p>The images presented in this case lack the necessary context and clarity for independent verification. These images do not offer sufficient detail to identify the item in question; in fact, there is no evidence to confirm that it is a munition at all, as it lacks the paint and marking combinations typically used on military ordnance. Without these distinguishing features, the true nature of the object cannot be confirmed. Moreover, if the item were a chemical weapon or contained hazardous materials, standard gloves may not offer adequate protection, especially if the canister were damaged or leaking. This highlights a key tactic in Russia’s disinformation: the use of suggestive misleading or unverified media to create a false impression of credibility. These kinds of manipulated materials are difficult to verify, making them an effective tool in attempting to shape public perceptions, particularly when combined with an ongoing narrative of Ukrainian aggression.</p>								</div>
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									<p><strong>EXAMPLE 3: ALLEGED CHLORINE USE IN KURSK (AUGUST 2024)</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p>In August 2024, Russia accused Ukraine in the media of deploying chlorine-filled chemical shells in the Kursk region, allegedly causing respiratory poisoning among workers at a power company and local officials. The accusation was accompanied by photographs, which were presented as evidence of the chemical attack.</p>								</div>
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										<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="1024" height="1003" src="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Kursk-misinformation-1024x1003.webp" class="attachment-large size-large wp-image-3732" alt="" srcset="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Kursk-misinformation-1024x1003.webp 1024w, https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Kursk-misinformation-300x294.webp 300w, https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Kursk-misinformation-768x752.webp 768w, https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Kursk-misinformation.webp 1176w" sizes="(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px" />											<figcaption class="widget-image-caption wp-caption-text">Figure 2: available evidence provided for the alleged deployment of chlorine in Kursk area in August, 2024</figcaption>
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									<p><br />The photographs used to support these claims were quickly debunked. <a href="https://info.fenixinsight.com/">Fenix Insight</a> traced the images back to a 2015 event in Iraq, where chlorine was used in a controlled explosion. This debunking highlights the extent to which Russia has been willing to manipulate or recycle old materials to support false claims. The lack of new, verifiable evidence and the reuse of dated images not only undermines the credibility of the claim but also showcases the systemic nature of the disinformation. This case demonstrates how Russia attempts to influence perceptions by weaponising old, unconnected content, further complicating the task for international bodies to assess emerging claims.</p>								</div>
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									<p><strong>EXAMPLE 4: UAV MUNITIONS</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p>The repeated allegations by Russia that Ukraine is using chemical weapons against its forces in a Note Verbale circulated to member states of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) on the eve of its Executive Council session in July 2024.</p><p> </p><p>Russia alleged that drone UAV-sourced footage shows a Russian soldier convulsing following the dropping of munitions, again suggesting the role of a chemical agent. The GP WMD Counter Disinformation Initiative has <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/russian-chemical-weapons-disinformation/">debunked this claim</a>, showing that the video provided is incomplete, and a longer version is available showing a munition dropped on two soldiers, with a follow-on munition dropped on the single Russian soldier flailing in the water. The first munition dropped (0:06), prior to the imagery shown in the video, is a modified F-1 grenade (or clone thereof). The F-1 is a cast iron-bodied, high-explosive fragmentation defensive hand grenade. The second munition dropped (0:19) is a modified VOG-17M. The VOG-17M is a 30 mm, high-explosive fragmentation automatic grenade launcher (AGL) round.</p>								</div>
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										<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="480" height="334" src="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/f-1-grenade.webp" class="attachment-large size-large wp-image-3733" alt="" srcset="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/f-1-grenade.webp 480w, https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/f-1-grenade-300x209.webp 300w" sizes="(max-width: 480px) 100vw, 480px" />											<figcaption class="widget-image-caption wp-caption-text">Figure 3: F-1 grenade dropped at 0:16.</figcaption>
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										<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="742" height="513" src="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Modified-vog.webp" class="attachment-large size-large wp-image-3734" alt="" srcset="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Modified-vog.webp 742w, https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/Modified-vog-300x207.webp 300w" sizes="(max-width: 742px) 100vw, 742px" />											<figcaption class="widget-image-caption wp-caption-text">Figure 4: Modified VOG-17M dropped at 0:19.</figcaption>
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									<p>There is no evidence of chemical agents being used within these munitions. The F-1 grenade appears to detonate and injure the personnel with fragmentation, with one soldier flailing in the water and bleeding from the mouth. The VOG-17M is dropped a distance away from the soldier. He then struggles to keep afloat in the water (likely due to injuries, as well as the weight of his body armour and other equipment) leading to him drowning.</p><p> </p><p>This case shows how video documentation, and other such material, can be presented to further a suggested narrative. The case combines emotive imagery of wounded combatants, in tandem with a carefully cut video segment. Without the benefit of resource-intensive technical assessments and debunking efforts, such evidence can appear credible to the non-expert observer.</p>								</div>
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									<p><strong>CONCLUSION</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p>Across all four examples, a clear pattern emerges. The allegations made by Russia regarding Ukrainian use of chemical weapons are consistently unverified, based on ambiguous or fabricated evidence, and often part of a broader disinformation strategy.  These allegations are repetitive in their structure: accusations are often presented with minimal or manipulated evidence, which cannot be independently corroborated. The use of dramatic claims, unsupported by verifiable evidence, serves to create confusion, shift blame, and discredit the opposing side.</p><p> </p><p>This repetitive nature suggests that Russia is employing a strategic disinformation campaign, designed to influence the international community&#8217;s opinion of the conflict and to deflect scrutiny from Russia’s own alleged use of CW. These efforts complicate the global community’s ability to discern truth from falsehood by clouding the collective factual understanding of the conflict.</p><p> </p><p>The constant cycle of baseless accusations, lack of evidence, and use of fabricated materials significantly undermines the credibility of Russian claims. While these disinformation tactics may not always succeed in swaying public support for Ukraine or shifting the international stance in favour of Russia, they play a critical role in undermining global norms surrounding the use of WMDs. By continuously introducing false or misleading narratives, Russia erodes trust in factual reporting and creates confusion within the international community, which hampers the ability to make objective assessments of events</p>								</div>
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									<p>→ <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/chemical-weapons-disinformation-primer/understanding-russias-chemical-weapons-allegations-in-ukraine/">Chemical Weapons in Ukraine | Policy Brief 1/3</a></p><p>→ <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/chemical-weapons-disinformation-primer/selected-examples-of-cw-allegations-and-related-disinformation-campaigns-from-the-russian-federation/">Chemical Weapons in Ukraine | Policy Brief 2/3</a></p><p>→ <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/chemical-weapons-disinformation-primer/strategy-and-impacts-of-cw-disinformation/">Chemical Weapons in Ukraine | Policy Brief 3/3</a></p><p>→ <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/video-explainers/what-is-chemical-weapon-disinformation/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">What is chemical weapons disinformation?</a></p><p>→ <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/russian-chemical-weapons-disinformation/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Russia&#8217;s July 2024 Note Verbale debunked</a></p>								</div>
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		<p>The post <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/chemical-weapons-disinformation-primer/selected-examples-of-cw-allegations-and-related-disinformation-campaigns-from-the-russian-federation/">Selected Examples of CW Allegations and Related Disinformation Campaigns from the Russian Federation</a> appeared first on <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com">Countering WMD Disinformation</a>.</p>
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">3729</post-id>	</item>
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		<title>Understanding Russia&#8217;s Chemical Weapons Allegations in Ukraine</title>
		<link>https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/chemical-weapons-disinformation-primer/understanding-russias-chemical-weapons-allegations-in-ukraine/?utm_source=rss&#038;utm_medium=rss&#038;utm_campaign=understanding-russias-chemical-weapons-allegations-in-ukraine</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Erik]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sat, 23 Nov 2024 20:07:33 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Chemical Weapons]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Education Tools]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Chemical Weapons in Ukraine]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Technical Memos]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>Chemical Weapons Disinformation in Ukraine Brief 1 UNDERSTANDING RUSSIA’S CHEMICAL WEAPONS ALLEGATIONS IN UKRAINE Brief 2 SELECTED EXAMPLES OF CW [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/chemical-weapons-disinformation-primer/understanding-russias-chemical-weapons-allegations-in-ukraine/">Understanding Russia&#8217;s Chemical Weapons Allegations in Ukraine</a> appeared first on <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com">Countering WMD Disinformation</a>.</p>
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					<h1 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Chemical Weapons Disinformation in Ukraine</h1>				</div>
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									<span class="elementor-button-text">Brief 1</span>
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									<p><a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/chemical-weapons-disinformation-primer/understanding-russias-chemical-weapons-allegations-in-ukraine/">UNDERSTANDING RUSSIA’S CHEMICAL WEAPONS ALLEGATIONS IN UKRAINE</a></p>								</div>
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									<span class="elementor-button-text">Brief 2</span>
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									<p><a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/chemical-weapons-disinformation-primer/selected-examples-of-cw-allegations-and-related-disinformation-campaigns-from-the-russian-federation/">SELECTED EXAMPLES OF CW ALLEGATIONS AND RELATED DISINFORMATION CAMPAIGNS FROM THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION</a></p>								</div>
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									<span class="elementor-button-text">Brief 3</span>
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									<p><a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/chemical-weapons-disinformation-primer/strategy-and-impacts-of-cw-disinformation/">STRATEGY AND IMPACTS OF CW DISINFORMATION</a></p>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">UNDERSTANDING RUSSIA’S CHEMICAL WEAPONS ALLEGATIONS IN UKRAINE ​</h2>				</div>
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									<p>BRIEF 1/3 | NOVEMBER 2024</p>								</div>
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									<p class="1Text" style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">Since the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, Russia has repeatedly accused Ukrainian armed forces of using chemical weapons. Russia&#8217;s disinformation efforts surrounding Chemical Weapons (CW) development and use in Ukraine are a <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/reference-to-past-crises/">continuation of tactics</a> that have evolved since the annexation of Crimea in 2014. These narratives appear strategically timed to coincide with military and political escalations, aiming to influence international opinion and justify Russia&#8217;s conduct.</p><p class="1Text" style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;"> </p><p class="1Text" style="margin: 0in; text-align: justify; text-justify: inter-ideograph;">This briefing paper focuses on the evolution of these allegations, highlighting Russia’s strategic use of such claims as part of a broader disinformation campaign. Historically, allegations of CW use have been a powerful tool for manipulating international opinion. For instance, in the Syrian Civil War, allegations of chemical attacks, such as the 2013 Ghouta attack, altered the politics of international involvement, leading to widespread condemnation and <a href="https://www.uclalawreview.org/a-legal-red-line-syria-and-the-use-of-chemical-weapons-in-civil-conflict/">intervention efforts</a>. In the current context of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, Russia appears to be employing similar tactics by making allegations against Ukraine to serve its broader political and military objectives. Unlike the Syrian case, where evidence played a central role in shaping international responses, the Russian accusations lack substantiation and seem designed to manipulate the narrative.</p>								</div>
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									<strong>EVOLUTION OF CHEMICAL WEAPON DISINFORMATION</strong>								</div>
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									<p>Russian allegations of Ukrainian chemical weapons have specifically cited agents such as white phosphorus, chlorine, phosgene, CS gas, chloropicrin, BZ, sulfuric acid and sodium cyanide. Twenty-one specific claims (graph 1) have been made using international treaties, platforms and mechanisms such as the <em>United Nations Security Council (UNSC), Note Verbales to the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW)</em> and the remainder published via the media or social networks from February 2022 to November 2024.</p>								</div>
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															<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="1024" height="599" src="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/RUS-UKR-claims-1024x599.webp" class="attachment-large size-large wp-image-3719" alt="" srcset="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/RUS-UKR-claims-1024x599.webp 1024w, https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/RUS-UKR-claims-300x176.webp 300w, https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/RUS-UKR-claims-768x449.webp 768w, https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/RUS-UKR-claims-1536x899.webp 1536w, https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/11/RUS-UKR-claims.webp 1920w" sizes="(max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px" />															</div>
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									<p>The timeline of chemical weapons allegations in the Russia-Ukraine war reflects a pattern that appears closely tied to a broader pattern of disinformation and <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/a-long-history-of-false-claims/">counteraccusations</a>.  A regular cycle of mutual allegations has established itself, with Russian narratives prioritising disinformation regarding chemical incidents, and Western Powers <a href="https://www.rand.org/pubs/perspectives/PE198.html">countering</a> with concerns relating to potential Russian cover operations. Russian allegations have been widely interpreted as an effort to pre-emptively deflect blame or justify future actions in relation to possible chemical weapon use in the conflict.</p><p> </p><p>In the initial months of the conflict after Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, Russian forces faced unexpected resistance. Following this resistance, the first wave of CW allegations began to emerge. The early accusations were often vague, without reference to specific events and with little or no evidence presented. For example, in March 2022, Russian authorities claimed they had found evidence of US-funded biolabs in Ukraine conducting research on dangerous pathogens and including chemicals that could be weaponised. Despite the lack of credible evidence, these accusations were heavily amplified by Russian media and echoed by state officials, signalling an early attempt to create a narrative that positioned Ukraine as the aggressor. This early period saw Russia attempt to frame Ukraine as a violator of international norms, likely in an effort to justify its invasion and delegitimise Ukrainian resistance on the global stage.</p><p> </p><p>As the conflict intensified, the nature of the allegations evolved. In June 2022 at the UN Security Council, Russia claimed that Ukraine was preparing a chemical false flag incident. Despite failing to provide any evidence, the accusations gained traction serving the purpose of spreading confusion and casting doubt on Ukraine’s actions whilst pre-emptively deflecting blame in the case of deliberate use of CW by Russia.</p><p> </p><p>In July 2022, Russia provided another notable accusation to the OPCW involved claims that Ukraine planned a chemical provocation in Mykolaivka, Donetsk, by dispersing liquid chlorine at the Slovyansk thermal power plant. Similarly, no evidence was presented to substantiate these claims, and international observers were unable to verify the existence of such chemical threats. The timing of these allegations coincided with increased international military aid to Ukraine, suggesting a possible attempt by Russia to sway international opinion and deter further support.</p><p> </p><p>From early-2023 onwards, the focus of the allegations shifted towards more specific incidents involving claims of UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles) delivering chemical munitions. In February 2023, Russian media circulated footage purportedly showing Ukrainian drones dispersing unknown chemicals over Russian positions in Velyka Novosilka. However, the video was quickly flagged by Fenix Insight as likely staged or manipulated, given the lack of corroborating evidence and the similarity to previous disinformation tactics used in other conflicts.</p><p> </p><p>Most recently, in October 2024, the Kremlin made an unfounded public statement claiming that Western-backed Ukrainian forces used toxic chemicals against Russian forces, and that Ukraine, with the support of NATO, planned to stage a chemical weapons attack.</p><p> </p><p>In a significant development, the <a href="https://www.opcw.org/media-centre/news/2024/11/opcw-issues-report-its-technical-assistance-visit-ukraine-following">OPCW</a> recently confirmed the presence of riot control agent CS gas in samples collected by Ukraine near confrontation lines in the Dnipropetrovsk region, following an alleged chemical incident in September 2024. CS gas is one of the most commonly used tear gases in the world. CS gas is used as a riot control agent, however, is banned for use in warfare due to the 1925 Geneva Protocol. While the use of CS gas is prohibited as a method of warfare under the Chemical Weapons Convention, the OPCW report underscores the need for independent verification mechanisms amidst the ongoing allegations from both sides.</p><p> </p><p>Following the Ukrainian incursion in the Kursk region, a further spate of chemical weapons allegations have appeared, including the claim that Ukraine is clearing territory using chlorine. The evidence provided has included manipulated images which, in one case was taken in Iraq in 2015, but presented as if it relates to recent combat operations in Kursk.</p>								</div>
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									<p class="p1"><strong>CONCLUSION</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p>The timing of these allegations appears closely linked to key points in the conflict when Russia sought to shift narratives or justify escalations. By examining the pattern of these claims, it becomes clear that they serve several strategic purposes for Russia. Firstly, they act as a tool for deflecting attention away from its own military actions, particularly those that may violate international laws. Secondly, they help to frame Ukraine as a violator of international norms, potentially weakening international support.</p><p> </p><p>Understanding the background and timing of these chemical weapons allegations is crucial for policymakers and international observers. Recognising the strategic intent behind these claims can help mitigate their impact, counteract disinformation, and focus on obtaining credible, verifiable information in assessing the true situation on the ground.</p>								</div>
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									<p class="p1"><strong>TIMELINE</strong></p>								</div>
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      <h3>March 2022</h3>
      <p>Russian authorities claimed they had found evidence of US-funded biolabs in Ukraine.</p>
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      <h3>June 2022</h3>
      <p>Russia claimed that Ukraine was preparing a chemical false flag incident.</p>
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      <h3>July 2022</h3>
      <p>Russia claims Ukraine planned a chemical provocation in Mykolaivka.</p>
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      <h3>Early 2023</h3>
      <p>Allegations shift towards claims of UAVs delivering chemical munitions.</p>
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      <h3>February 2023</h3>
      <p>Russian media alleges chemical drone strikes targeting Russian positions.</p>
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      <h3>October 2024</h3>
      <p>Russia claimed that Western-backed Ukrainian forces used toxic chemicals against Russian foes.</p>
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      <h3>November 2024</h3>
      <p>OPCW confirmed the presence of riot control agent CS gas in Ukraine.</p>
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									<p>→ <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/chemical-weapons-disinformation-primer/understanding-russias-chemical-weapons-allegations-in-ukraine/">Chemical Weapons in Ukraine | Policy Brief 1/3</a></p><p>→ <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/chemical-weapons-disinformation-primer/selected-examples-of-cw-allegations-and-related-disinformation-campaigns-from-the-russian-federation/">Chemical Weapons in Ukraine | Policy Brief 2/3</a></p><p>→ <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/chemical-weapons-disinformation-primer/strategy-and-impacts-of-cw-disinformation/">Chemical Weapons in Ukraine | Policy Brief 3/3</a></p><p>→ <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/video-explainers/what-is-chemical-weapon-disinformation/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">What is chemical weapons disinformation?</a></p><p>→ <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/russian-chemical-weapons-disinformation/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Russia&#8217;s July 2024 Note Verbale debunked</a></p>								</div>
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		<p>The post <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/chemical-weapons-disinformation-primer/understanding-russias-chemical-weapons-allegations-in-ukraine/">Understanding Russia&#8217;s Chemical Weapons Allegations in Ukraine</a> appeared first on <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com">Countering WMD Disinformation</a>.</p>
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		<title>BWC Article X success stories</title>
		<link>https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/bwc-article-x-success-stories/?utm_source=rss&#038;utm_medium=rss&#038;utm_campaign=bwc-article-x-success-stories</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Erik]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 01 Sep 2024 20:19:21 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Biological Weapons]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Education Tools]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Technical Memos]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>BWC Article X success stories COOPERATION AND ASSISTANCE Article X of the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) commits states parties “to [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/bwc-article-x-success-stories/">BWC Article X success stories</a> appeared first on <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com">Countering WMD Disinformation</a>.</p>
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					<h1 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">BWC Article X success stories</h1>				</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">COOPERATION AND ASSISTANCE</h2>				</div>
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									<p class="p2">Article X of the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) commits states parties “to facilitate, and have the right to participate in, the fullest possible exchange of equipment, materials and scientific and technological information for the use of bacteriological (biological) agents and toxins for peaceful purposes.” The provisions of Article X recognise that in addition to the BWC’s provisions on disarmament, scientific cooperation and development assistance are essential to ensure that biological knowledge, tools and material are shared to promote the security of states parties from infectious disease threats emerging within and outside their territories. There have been multiple Article X success stories, including from Senegal, Laos, Uganda, Ghana and Thailand.</p>								</div>
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									<p class="p1"><strong>SENEGAL</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p class="p1">The establishment in 2018 of a Public Health Emergency Operations Center in Dakar received support from the Global Health Security Agenda, the US Defense Threat Reduction Agency, the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the African Union Center for Disease Control, and the World Health Organisation. It now successfully acts as a focal point for disease analytics, diagnostic testing and information sharing across the West African region. The Public Health Emergency Operations Center has been utilised during the COVID-19 pandemic, recent Chikungunya outbreaks and following a mass casualty event involving Senegalese nationals during a Hajj stampede.</p>								</div>
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									<p class="p1"><strong>LAOS </strong></p>								</div>
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									<p class="p1">Nearly US $1.9 million in scientific assistance has been provided to Laos to support health security in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. A tabletop exercise in Vientiane in March 2020, sponsored by the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the US Defense Threat Reduction Agency included representatives from across the government of Laos and its public health bodies, as well as local United Nations officials and the World Health Organisation. The exercise built on long-term scientific assistance provided to Laos to support best practices in health security and emergency management.</p>								</div>
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									<p class="p1"><strong>UGANDA</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p class="p1">A partnership between the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, the US Defense Threat Reduction Agency, and the government of Uganda has resulted in a multi-year programme to strengthen biosafety and biosecurity in the country. In the context of regional instability in East Africa, the partnership has developed infrastructure to safeguard dangerous pathogens used for public health research, including physical site protections and workforce training on dual-use research of concern, and it has supported the development of laboratories and Public Health Emergency Operations Centers, including in Uganda.</p>								</div>
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									<p class="p1"><strong>GHANA</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p class="p1">A partnership between Global Affairs Canada, the Canadian Food Inspection Agency, and Ghanaian Veterinary professionals successfully established biological containment laboratories in Accra, Pong-Tamale and Takoradi. The state-of-the-art modular laboratories were initially designed to support the detection of anthrax, avian influenza and African swine fever in animal populations, but as the COVID-19 pandemic reached Ghana, they were adapted to also provide frontline diagnostics to local health authorities.</p>								</div>
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									<p class="p1"><strong>THAILAND</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p class="p1">Diagnostic equipment provided by the US Cooperative Threat Reduction Program to the Chulalongkorn University in Thailand facilitated the first diagnosis of a case of SARS-CoV-2 outside of Wuhan, China in January 2020. Early detection and reporting of the international spread of the virus supported early response planning by international health bodies.</p>								</div>
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									<p><b>KEY MESSAGES</b></p>								</div>
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									<ul><li class="p1">The successes of recent scientific cooperation underscores the crucial role of Article X in global biological security regimes.</li><li class="p1">Scores of programmes have shown the benefits of effective collaboration to build essential infrastructure, share best practices, and pool expert knowledge across country networks to ensure the international community’s shared protection against infectious disease threats wherever they might emerge.</li></ul>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">READ MORE:</h2>				</div>
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									<p>→ <a href="https://documents.un.org/doc/undoc/gen/g18/354/83/pdf/g1835483.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">BWC/MSP/2018/WP.9 ‘International Activities of Global Partnership Member Countries related to Article X of the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention,’ submitted by Canada, Denmark, European Union, Germany, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden, United Kingdom, and United States, 4 Dec 2018.</a></p><p>→ <a href="https://documents.un.org/doc/undoc/gen/g21/223/74/pdf/g2122374.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">BWC/MSP/2020/MX.1/WP.2 ‘What Constitutes Assistance and Cooperation under Article X?,’ submitted by the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, 13 August 2021.</a></p><p>→ <a href="https://unidir.org/publication/options-for-article-x-of-the-biological-weapons-convention/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Revill, J &amp; Maceda, MG ‘Options for Article X of the Biological Weapons Convention,’ UNDIR, Feb 2022.</a></p>								</div>
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		<p>The post <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/bwc-article-x-success-stories/">BWC Article X success stories</a> appeared first on <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com">Countering WMD Disinformation</a>.</p>
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		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">3029</post-id>	</item>
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		<title>Mitigating Disinformation</title>
		<link>https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/mitigating-disinformation/?utm_source=rss&#038;utm_medium=rss&#038;utm_campaign=mitigating-disinformation</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Erik]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 30 Aug 2024 18:36:13 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Education Tools]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Technical Memos]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>Mitigating Disinformation RESPONDING TO DISINFORMATION Disinformation, or the practice of spreading false information in full knowledge of its falsehood, is [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/mitigating-disinformation/">Mitigating Disinformation</a> appeared first on <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com">Countering WMD Disinformation</a>.</p>
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					<h1 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">Mitigating Disinformation</h1>				</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">RESPONDING TO DISINFORMATION</h2>				</div>
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									<p>Disinformation, or the practice of spreading false information in full knowledge of its falsehood, is typically difficult to mitigate against. This is due to its close interplay with misinformation: successful disinformation campaigns typically draw on conspiracy theories already present and circulating within groups.</p><p> </p><p>Given the three mental processes which dispose people to believe disinformation and misinformation—intentionality, proportionality, and confirmation bias—any concerted effort to counter disinformation with facts is only likely to entrench the beliefs of the targeted community.</p><p> </p><p>There are four main tactics that can be used to mitigate the impact of disinformation campaigns: Gamification, active transparency, pre-bunking, and pre-informing.</p>								</div>
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									<p><strong>GAMIFICATION</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p>Gamification refers to the integration of game mechanisms and technicalities into a non-game (or physical) environment. In disinformation, this refers to the practice of encouraging ‘players’—the general public—to behave in a certain way to provoke a desired outcome.</p><p> </p><p>An example of this is Snapchat. The popular app has a feature in which users can apply Augmenter Reality (AR) filters to their photos, with the outcome being that they gain more ‘likes’ and therefore cultural capital. In 2020 Snapchat launched two AR filters in collaboration with the World Health Organization. This included one which demonstrated circles around the user’s location to identify that they were adhering to social distancing measures.</p><p> </p><p>In another example, Taiwan introduced a policy of “humour not rumour” to combat COVID-19 disinformation. This included releasing several tweets referring to the consequences of misinformation and disinformation such as hoarding toilet paper and openly mocking those who followed the practice. These were “memeified,” with the result that many people re-tweeted with photos to prove they were not hoarding toilet paper.</p>								</div>
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									<p><strong>ACTIVE TRANSPARENCY</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p>Active transparency refers to the active release of information with no perceivable bias or angle. Given that confirmation bias means that any release of summaries, opinion pieces or redacted documents are perceived as evidence for conspiracy, organisations should only release factual statements in full transparency. If there is a need for redactions or the inability to release documents then these should be explained ahead of time.</p><p> </p><p>The active delegitimization of independent media and think tanks pursued by disinformation campaigns is likely to decrease trust in any publications. The release of data may mitigate this. Disinformation campaigns in the 21st century are characterised by a model of repetition involving rapid and continuous production of media and narratives. The rapid and fluid nature of these campaigns—often run by large state-sponsored organisations—make disinformation campaigns difficult to respond to individually. Releasing the data allows for a response to a variety of narratives simultaneously, while freeing the releasing organisation from accusations of disinformation on their part.</p>								</div>
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									<p><strong>PRE-BUNKING</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p>Prebunking refers to the practice of providing people access to videos or tools (often in a gamified manner) which inform them about critical thinking techniques that can be used when consuming media. These may help people identify their existing biases and the biases of the media they consume, identify language that could indicate disinformation or misinformation, or provide information on how to identify lack of proof and to think critically about sources.</p><p> </p><p>Given that attempting to debunk disinformation campaigns may have the opposite effect than intended, prebunking is likely to be more successful if correctly used.</p>								</div>
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									<p><strong>PRE-INFORMING</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p>Pre-informing is the practice of providing clear information about an event which may or may not happen (such as a global pandemic) as soon as there are warning signs.</p><p> </p><p>The COVID-19 pandemic showed that many populations did not have the tools to absorb the scientific literature being published and filled in their perception using their own biases or the biases of the media where the research was published. This was similar for government publications and reactions to public health measures.</p><p> </p><p>By providing easily digestible fact-sheets explaining key terms, key facts, and key skills in interpreting scientific literature, publics can more easily engage with official and scientific literature, enabling people to identify potential disinformation and misinformation.</p>								</div>
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		<p>The post <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/mitigating-disinformation/">Mitigating Disinformation</a> appeared first on <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com">Countering WMD Disinformation</a>.</p>
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		<title>Allegations Against the US and Ukraine</title>
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		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Erik]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Fri, 30 Aug 2024 17:52:02 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Education Tools]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Technical Memos]]></category>
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					<description><![CDATA[<p>ALLEGATIONS AGAINST THE US AND UKRAINE MISSING EVIDENCE AND A REVERSED LOGIC Russia requested a formal consultative meeting under BWC [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/allegations-against-the-us-and-ukraine/">Allegations Against the US and Ukraine</a> appeared first on <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com">Countering WMD Disinformation</a>.</p>
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					<h1 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">ALLEGATIONS AGAINST THE US AND UKRAINE</h1>				</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">MISSING EVIDENCE AND A REVERSED LOGIC</h2>				</div>
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									<p>Russia requested a formal consultative meeting under BWC Article V on 29 June 2022 to present its case that the United States and Ukraine are in breach of the convention. On the basis of Russian evidence presented so far, neither the United Nations, independent media nor independent experts have concluded that there is any indication that Ukraine’s biological activities and its public health labs support anything other than peaceful purposes. Ukraine, unlike Russia, makes its annual Confidence Building Measure submissions to the BWC publicly available. </p><p> </p><p>Consultation procedures under Article V are generally viewed as a way to discuss issues at a lower level before escalating to the UN Security Council. Russia has reversed this logic and, having failed to gain any substantive support in the UN Security Council or the UN General Assembly for its allegations, appears intent on airing its allegations formally within the BWC. </p>								</div>
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									<p><strong>TIMELINE</strong></p>								</div>
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      <h3>7 OCT 2021</h3>
      <p>The Foreign Ministers of Russia and China release a joint
statement on the margins of the UN General Assembly
expressing “serious concerns” about US overseas military
biological activities and allege that over 200 “opaque and
non-transparent” American labs are deployed outside the
United States. </p>
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  </div>
  <div class="container right">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>22 NOV 2021</h3>
      <p>Russia and China make statements to the BWC Meeting of States Parties raising concerns about US and NATO allies’ “military biomedical activities,” “especially in countries near to us.” The United States response calls the claims “truly appalling distortions of fact.” The US also publishes a working paper to the meeting on its biological threat reduction programme.</p>
    </div>
  </div>
  <div class="container left">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>JANUARY 2022</h3>
      <p>The United States issues several fact sheets and
youtube videos providing facts and figures about its biological threat reduction programme</p>
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  </div>
  <div class="container right">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>4 FEBRUARY 2022</h3>
      <p>The Presidents of China and Russia release a joint statement on the margins of the Olympic Winter Games, expressing concern about US non-compliance with the BWC.</p>
    </div>
  </div>
  <div class="container left">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>24 FEBRUARY 2022</h3>
      <p>Russia starts a full-scale attack on Ukraine. The hashtag
#USBiolabs starts trending on Twitter.</p>
    </div>
  </div>
  <div class="container right">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>10 MARCH 2022</h3>
      <p>The United States issues a youtube video on its
biological threat reduction programme.</p>
    </div>
  </div>
    <div class="container left">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>11 MARCH 2022</h3>
      <p>The UN Security Council meets to discuss
Russia’s allegations of military biological activities in Ukraine. The High Representative
of Disarmament Affairs asserts that the UN is
not aware of any bioweapons programmes.</p>
    </div>
  </div>
  <div class="container right">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>18 MARCH 2022</h3>
      <p>The UN Security Council meets a second time
to discuss Russia’s allegations of military biological activities in Ukraine.</p>
    </div>
  </div>
      <div class="container left">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>1 APRIL 2022</h3>
      <p>Russia circulates a note verbale to Security Council members
with material claimed to relate to military biological programmes in Ukraine.</p>
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  </div>
  <div class="container right">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>4 APRIL 2022</h3>
      <p>Russia, China, the United States and other
states parties make statements to the BWC
Preparatory Committee on Russia’s allegations.</p>
    </div>
  </div>
      <div class="container left">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>6 APRIL 2022</h3>
      <p>Russia hosts an Arria-Formula meeting
of the UN Security Council.</p>
    </div>
  </div>
  <div class="container right">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>19 APRIL 2022</h3>
      <p>Russian representative host a media briefing at the United
Nations on US military biological activities in Ukraine.</p>
    </div>
  </div>
      <div class="container left">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>2 MAY 2022</h3>
      <p>The United States issues a factsheet on
China’s efforts to amplify the Kremlin’s
voice on Ukraine.</p>
    </div>
  </div>
  <div class="container right">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>13 MAY 2022 </h3>
      <p>Russia circulates a note verbale to the UN Secretary-General and Security Council members with additional material claimed to relate
to military biological programmes in Ukraine.
The UN Security Council meets a third time to
consider new claims by Russia.</p>
    </div>
  </div>
      <div class="container left">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>18 MAY 2022</h3>
      <p>The Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs tweets that Russia is
“getting ready to activate the #BTWC mechanisms, according
to which the States Parties are to co-operate in solving any
problems which may arise in relation to the objective of the
Convention & co-operate in carrying out investigations of
possible violations.”</p>
    </div>
  </div>
  <div class="container right">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>9 JUNE 2022</h3>
      <p>The United States issues a factsheet on WMD
threat reduction efforts with Ukraine, Russia
and other Former Soviet Union countries.</p>
    </div>
  </div>
      <div class="container left">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>13 JUNE 2022</h3>
      <p>Russia requests bilaterally that the United
States answer “questions” about its bioactivities in Ukraine.</p>
    </div>
  </div>
  <div class="container right">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>29 JUNE 2022</h3>
      <p>Russia calls for a formal consultative meeting
under BWC Article V. </p>
    </div>
  </div>
        <div class="container left">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>JULY 2022</h3>
      <p>Russia and the United States issue notes verbales on the
allegations and the formal consultative process to Geneva missions of BWC states parties.</p>
    </div>
  </div>
  <div class="container right">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>27 JULY 2022</h3>
      <p>The United Kingdom chairs the preparatory
meeting for the formal consultative process.</p>
    </div>
  </div>
        <div class="container left">
    <div class="content">
      <h3>26 AUG 2022</h3>
      <p>The formal consultative process is opened.</p>
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									<p><strong>KEY MESSAGES</strong></p>								</div>
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									<ul><li>Triggering Article V is an attempt by the Kremlin to distract attention away from Russia’s unprovoked military invasion and its continuing war against Ukraine.</li><li>The potential consequences of Russia’s allegations are significant. They may erode confidence in essential public and animal health infrastructure, and significantly undermine global biosafety and biosecurity efforts.</li><li>If Russia is effective at framing US development assistance as a form of noncompliance with the BWC, the Article V process could seriously undermine development aid and cooperation efforts on peaceful biological research under BWC Article X.</li></ul>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">READ MORE:</h2>				</div>
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									<p>→ <a href="https://thebulletin.org/2022/07/russia-finds-another-stage-for-the-ukraine-biolabs-disinformation-show/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Lentzos, F &amp; Littlewood, J, ‘Russia finds another stage for the ukraine biolabs disinformation show,’ The Bulletin of Atomic Scientists, 8 July 2022.</a></p><p>→ <a href="https://blog.prif.org/2022/03/22/russian-allegations-of-biological-weapons-activities-in-ukraine/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Jakob, U et al, ‘Russian allegations of biological weapons activities in Ukraine,’ Peace Research Institute Frankfurt (PRIF) Blog, 22 March 2022.</a></p>								</div>
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		<p>The post <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/allegations-against-the-us-and-ukraine/">Allegations Against the US and Ukraine</a> appeared first on <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com">Countering WMD Disinformation</a>.</p>
]]></content:encoded>
					
		
		
		<post-id xmlns="com-wordpress:feed-additions:1">2945</post-id>	</item>
		<item>
		<title>A Disinformation Primer</title>
		<link>https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/a-disinformation-primer/?utm_source=rss&#038;utm_medium=rss&#038;utm_campaign=a-disinformation-primer</link>
		
		<dc:creator><![CDATA[Erik]]></dc:creator>
		<pubDate>Sun, 25 Aug 2024 18:13:10 +0000</pubDate>
				<category><![CDATA[Education Tools]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Technical Memos]]></category>
		<guid isPermaLink="false">https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/?page_id=2900</guid>

					<description><![CDATA[<p>A disinformation primer INFORMATION WARFARE Disinformation is a set of carefully constructed false messages leaked to an opponent‘s communication system [&#8230;]</p>
<p>The post <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/a-disinformation-primer/">A Disinformation Primer</a> appeared first on <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com">Countering WMD Disinformation</a>.</p>
]]></description>
										<content:encoded><![CDATA[		<div data-elementor-type="wp-page" data-elementor-id="2900" class="elementor elementor-2900" data-elementor-post-type="page">
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					<h1 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">A disinformation primer</h1>				</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">INFORMATION WARFARE</h2>				</div>
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									<p>Disinformation is a set of carefully constructed false messages leaked to an opponent‘s communication system in order to deceive the decision-making elite or the public. The purpose is to weaken adversaries from the inside and undermine collective responses to challenges. As a campaign, it is best understood as a type of information warfare. The techniques deployed in information warfare are known as ‘active measures.’</p>								</div>
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									<p><strong>ACTIVE MEASURES:</strong></p>								</div>
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									<ul><li>Sow confusion over facts and their sources</li>
<li>Exacerbate divisive political fissures</li>
<li>Erode trust in civil and scientific institutions</li>
<li>Undermine citizen confidence in democratic governance</li>
</ul>								</div>
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															<img loading="lazy" decoding="async" width="768" height="432" src="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/pexels-photo-3992933-3992933-768x432.webp" class="attachment-medium_large size-medium_large wp-image-2922" alt="pexels-photo-3992933-3992933.jpg" srcset="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/pexels-photo-3992933-3992933-768x432.webp 768w, https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/pexels-photo-3992933-3992933-300x169.webp 300w, https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/pexels-photo-3992933-3992933-1024x576.webp 1024w, https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/08/pexels-photo-3992933-3992933.webp 1280w" sizes="(max-width: 768px) 100vw, 768px" />															</div>
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									<p><strong>COVID-19: A MASTER CLASS EXAMPLE OF BIOWEAPONS DISINFORMATION MONITOR</strong></p>								</div>
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									<p>The COVID-19 pandemic illustrates how disinformation can be used to undermine an adversary. </p><p> </p><p><span style="font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; text-align: var(--text-align); background-color: var(--ast-global-color-5); color: var(--ast-global-color-3);">A 2020 report by the European Commission found that foreign actors and countries, led by Moscow and Beijing, had carried out targeted disinformation campaigns aimed at stoking confusion about the COVID-19 pandemic. These disinformation campaigns boosted conspiracy theories on the origin of the virus and appropriate mitigation efforts, and they smeared scientific institutions and policymakers. </span><span style="font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; text-align: var(--text-align); background-color: var(--ast-global-color-5); color: var(--ast-global-color-3);"> </span></p><p> </p><p><span style="font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; text-align: var(--text-align); background-color: var(--ast-global-color-5); color: var(--ast-global-color-3);">A 2020 US State Department report noted that Kremlin-linked sites were boosting false and debunked allegations that SARS-CoV-2 was created in a lab as a bioweapon, that billionaire Bill Gates was plotting to use the pandemic as an excuse to microchip people, and that plans for the vaccine were a well-orchestrated money grab by pharmaceutical companies. </span></p><p><span style="font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; text-align: var(--text-align); background-color: var(--ast-global-color-5); color: var(--ast-global-color-3);"> </span></p><p><span style="font-style: inherit; font-weight: inherit; text-align: var(--text-align); background-color: var(--ast-global-color-5); color: var(--ast-global-color-3);">The success of these disinformation campaigns was demonstrated in the actions of citizens and policymakers to mitigate the spread and impact of the pandemic in their own communities. As far away as Australia, protestors held up ‘Arrest Bill Gates’ signs; while in the UK, angry citizens attacked 5G towers and the engineers sent to repair them. Later, health officials, nurses and pharmacists were targeted with death threats, leading to problems of retention and replacement. </span></p>								</div>
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									<p><strong>KEY MESSAGES</strong></p>								</div>
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									<ul><li>There are profound geostrategic motivations of disinformation campaigns, and the vectors used to reach domestic audiences have never been more accessible. Social media, amplified through bots and trolls, has allowed disinformation campaigns to spread through global audiences cheaply, remotely and in real time.</li><li>In the credibility confusion created through disinformation, a mix of extremists, charlatans and profit seekers is typically boosted over credible sources of information. Security agencies have noted how extremist groups have leveraged disinformation to build their popularity for recruitment and legitimization, even mounting successful electoral campaigns. These newly elected office holders have come to directly influence policymaking and undermine the funding of public goods such as health and education.</li><li>Disinformation is most influential when spread through traditional media or endorsed by groups and individuals with high community respect. Depending on the country, this could be political or religious leaders, judges, military members, or other trusted members of the target community. Research demonstrates that cyber-enabled disinformation has been microtargeted to influence these key groups. To build societal resilience against disinformation, training must reach these target groups.</li><li>By undermining trust and investment in institutions and creating confusion over facts, disinformation stymes collective action and cooperation both domestically and with international partners. Disinformation fractures alliances by undermining a sense of shared reality and the will to fight together against common challenges. The international community must work together to combat disinformation as a threat to all nations.</li></ul>								</div>
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					<h2 class="elementor-heading-title elementor-size-default">READ MORE:</h2>				</div>
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									<p>→ <a href="https://research-management.mq.edu.au/ws/portalfiles/portal/174550015/Publisher_version.pdf" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Hunt, JS (2021) ‘Countering Cyber Enabled Disinformation,’ Australian Journal of Defence and Strategic Studies 3(1): 83-88</a></p><p>→ <a href="https://search.worldcat.org/title/1021802806" target="_blank" rel="noopener">Singer, PW &amp; Brooking, ET (2018) Like War: the manipulation of Social Media. Eamon Dolan/Houghton Mifflin Harcourt.</a></p>								</div>
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		<p>The post <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com/policy-briefs/a-disinformation-primer/">A Disinformation Primer</a> appeared first on <a href="https://gpwmdcounterdisinfo.com">Countering WMD Disinformation</a>.</p>
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